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The ex-Raven operatives described Karma as a tool that could remotely grant access to iPhones simply by uploading phone numbers or email accounts into an automated targeting system. But it was unusually potent because, unlike many exploits, Karma did not require a target to click on a link sent to an iPhone, they said.
The technique also helped the hackers harvest saved passwords, which could be used for other intrusions. Lori Stroud, a former Raven operative who also previously worked at the U. National Security Agency, told Reuters of the excitement when Karma was introduced in The disclosure of Karma and the Raven unit comes amid an escalating cyber arms race, with rivals such as Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the UAE competing for the most sophisticated hacking tools and personnel.
Tools like Karma, which can exploit hundreds of iPhones simultaneously, capturing their location data, photos and messages, are particularly sought-after, veterans of cyberwarfare say. By the dawn of the muckraking era , employers increasingly turned to espionage services. Murphy once told a midwestern industrialist,.
We have the reputation of being several jumps ahead of the old way of settling capital and labor difficulties Our service aims to keep our clients informed through the medium of intelligence reports. By the s, industrial espionage had become not just an accepted part of labor relations, it was the most important form of labor discipline services that was provided by the anti-union agencies. During the s, thirty-two mining companies, twenty-eight automotive firms, and a similar number of food companies relied upon labor spies.
A member of the National Labor Relations Board estimated that American industrialists spent eighty million dollars spying on their workers. General Motors alone spent nearly a million dollars for undercover operatives fighting the CIO during a two-year period. In addition to the Pinkertons, General Motors hired thirteen other spy agencies to monitor workers in its factories, and then used the Pinkertons to spy on operatives from these other agencies. Between and , the Pinkerton Agency employed twelve hundred undercover operatives and operated out of twenty-seven offices.
The agency assigned agents to three hundred companies during the s. In Robert Pinkerton announced a change of focus for the Pinkerton Agency. The days of strike-breaking agencies marshalling large numbers of strike-breakers to defeat strikes were over. The Pinkerton Agency was determined to "place emphasis on its undercover work which, being secret, created less antagonism. While more overt forms of labor control often led to violence, the undercover operator or missionary was able to destroy unionization efforts without alarming the public.
The National Labor Relations Act of outlawed spying on and intimidating union activists, provoking violence, and company unions. Other abuses by labor consulting firms included manipulating union elections through bribery and coercion; threatening to revoke workers' benefits if they organized; installing union officers sympathetic to management; and, offering rewards to employees who worked against unions. In , historian J.
Exclusive: UAE used cyber super-weapon to spy on iPhones of foes
Bernard Hogg , surveying the history of labor spying, observed that Pinkerton agents were secured "by advertising, by visiting United States recruiting offices for rejectees, and by frequenting waterfronts where men were to be found going to sea as a last resort of employment,"  and that "[to] labor they were a 'gang of toughs and ragtails and desperate men, mostly recruited by Pinkerton and his officers from the worst elements of the community.
At the prompting of Congressman Thomas E. Watson , the U. House of Representatives investigated detective agencies after the Homestead Strike. The Senate also investigated, and both houses issued reports in The Commission on Industrial Relations took testimony about espionage agencies in , as did a privately funded investigation of the steel strike of In , a U.
Senate Resolution called for an investigation of violations of the right to free speech and assembly and of interference with the right of labor to organize and bargain collectively. At the time, thirty percent of Pinkerton's business resulted from its industrial services. Congress held hearings and published reports on the phenomenon of labor spying, and other aspects of industrial relations. The committee established that in some cases, a company was able to lock out its workers three days prior to a strike , based upon information that Pinkerton services provided.
An example report from an informant was introduced into evidence, demonstrating that such reports singled out individual workers. The Senate , with the House of Representatives concurring, passed a resolution that,. Most of the agencies subpoenaed, including the Pinkerton Agency, attempted to destroy their records before receiving the subpoenas, but enough evidence remained to "piece together a picture of intrigue".
It was revealed that Pinkerton had operatives "in practically every union in the country". Upon examination, however, superintendent Joseph Littlejohn admitted never finding any Communists.
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Labor spying, as it turned out, was merely an excuse to wreck unions. In the U. They also investigated corporations and union-busting agencies. One labor relations consultant called Labor Relations Associates was found to have committed violations of the National Labor Relations Act of , including spying on workers. One of the best known undercover agents was James McParland who, under the alias of James McKenna, infiltrated a secret society of Pennsylvania coalminers called the Molly Maguires. Debate continues over the extent of guilt on the part of the Mollies, and over the question of whether they were in some sense a labor organization, or merely a ring of assassins lashing out over unjust working conditions, inadequate pay, and the pressures of persecution against their Irish-Catholic status.
In any event, McParland's testimony resulted in nineteen of the Molly Maguires going to the gallows. In , Pinkerton Agent Charles A. Siringo , working out of the Denver Pinkerton office, played a significant role in ending the Coeur d'Alene strike. Siringo used the alias C. Leon Allison to join the local miners' union, ingratiating himself by buying drinks and loaning money to his fellow miners.
He was elected to the post of secretary, providing access to all of the union's books and records. Siringo promptly began to report all union business to his employers, allowing the mine owners to outmaneuver the miners on a number of occasions. Strikers planned to intercept a train of incoming strike breakers, so the mine owners dropped off the replacement workers in an unexpected location.
The local union president, Oliver Hughes, ordered Siringo to remove a page from the union record book that recorded a conversation about possibly flooding the mines, the agent mailed that page to the Mine Owners' Association. Siringo also "told his employer's clients what they wanted to hear," referring to union officials such as George Pettibone as "dangerous anarchists.
The mine owners had locked out the strikers, and were hiring strike breakers.
Although the union had advised the miners against violence,  their anger at discovering the infiltration prompted them to blow up the Frisco mine in Gem, capturing the Gem mine, plus non-union miners and company guards. Concurrent with the explosion, hundreds of miners converged on Siringo's boarding house. But Siringo had sawed a hole in the floor, and made his escape after crawling for half a block under a wooden boardwalk. He fled to the hills above Coeur d'Alene. The miners union issued a statement deploring "the unfortunate affair at Gem and Frisco. He wrote that for days he was busy "putting unruly cattle in the bull pen.
The WFM immediately called for outlawing the hiring of labor spies, but their demand was ignored. During his career with Pinkerton, Charles Siringo discovered that clients were being cheated, supervisors were stealing agency funds, and operatives were inflating normal conversations with targeted radicals into conspiracies. On the cover of the book, Uncle Sam was pictured in the grip of a boa constrictor with the names "Pinkertonism" and "Anarchism" on its sides.
Two extremes were being joined: unbridled violence by radicals was matched by unbridled violence by business interests Such attacks were more damaging because they came from a man who had been [a Pinkerton] operative for over two decades.
Collusion or Not, Does the Mueller Report Hold Up as a Spy Novel? | Vanity Fair
But the Pinkerton Agency suppressed Siringo's book, [ citation needed ] and only a few copies survive. Charlie Siringo was not the only agent to have infiltrated the Coeur d'Alene miners' unions. In his book Big Trouble , author J. Anthony Lukas mentions that Thiel Operative 53 had also infiltrated, and had been the union secretary at Wardner, Idaho. He was trusted by many union members in mining camps throughout the Northwest.
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Agents sometimes situate themselves into key positions from which to wreak damage on the targeted union:. One of the most efficient activities of the spy in the union during a strike is to wreck the strike relief benefit fund, upon which, of course, the success of the strike so largely depends. If the spy cannot himself have access to the fund, his next policy is to spread discontent and cause the strikers to demand higher benefits than the union is able to pay. He will frequently create the impression that the fund is dishonestly handled by the union officials.
One Pinkerton spy was assigned to sabotage the union's relief program during a —04 strike which wreaked so significant an impact on the future of organized labor that it came to be called the Colorado Labor Wars. I had been having some difficulty with the relief committee of the Denver smelter men. At first we had been giving out relief at such a rate that I had to tell the chairman that he was providing the smelter men with more than they had had while at work. Then he cut down the rations until the wives of the smelter men began to complain that they were not getting enough to eat.
Years later, when his letters were published in The Pinkerton Labor Spy , I discovered that the chairman of the relief committe sic was a Pinkerton detective, who was carrying out the instructions of the agency The individual responsible for revealing this sabotage was Morris Friedman , the former stenographer of Pinkerton agent James McParland, who had moved to Denver and managed the regional Pinkerton office.
Friedman found the practices of the detective agency in general, and of McParland in particular, revolting. His views are captured in a passage from his book The Pinkerton Labor Spy ,.
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The readiness of the Western Federation [of Miners] to resent the smallest encroachments on the rights of its humblest members, the generalship displayed by the organization in its struggles with different mine owners, and the fearless and vigorous campaigns of organization carried on by the Federation, have naturally aroused the fear and apprehension of mine owners; and these fears have been studiously fanned into flames of blind and furious hatred by Pinkerton's National Detective Agency, in the endeavor of the latter institution to obtain business.
At the present time in many parts of the West we find Capital openly or secretly engaged in a bitter struggle with the Western Federation of Miners, to the satisfaction and immense profit of the Pinkerton Agency. The Agency was the first to notice the activity of the Federation, and the great financial possibilities which might be realized by engaging in a prolonged struggle with it. But it is perhaps a mistake to say the Agency, for it was, more properly speaking, James McParland , of Mollie Maguire notoriety, whose sharp glance first took jealous note of the rapid growth of this labor union.
Gratias, known to Pinkerton supervisors as "No. McParland himself drew up the instructions for No. To begin with, the operative was instructed to create trouble between the leaders of the union. This he accomplished, and soon the union was divided into a number of hostile camps The operative was next instructed to agitate the question of strike benefits among the men, so that they would demand financial aid from the Western Federation of Miners, and he was also told to intrigue against some of the leaders, so that the union would expel them. The chiefs being out of the way, Mr.
McParland hoped that the rank and file would call the strike off. The operative became so popular with the men for demanding relief that he was appointed chairman of the Relief Committee. McParland instructed him to provide relief in such large amounts that it would drain the treasury of the Federation. He not only supplied the men with necessities, but even with luxuries and cash to spend.
The operative's extreme liberality endeared him to the men, who rewarded him by electing him president of the union. We now see the unique spectacle of a Pinkerton spy, under the direct orders of Manager McParland, as president of a Western Federation of Miners' local union, and directing a bitter strike against the smelter trust.
On his elevation to the presidency the operative did not relinquish his position on the relief committee, nor would the men have permitted him to do so, as they were perfectly satisfied with the way the operative squandered the money of the Federation McParland instructed the operative to "cut the relief down to an extent that would almost starve the strikers, and while doing this, to throw the blame on Secretary Haywood.
During the Western Federation of Miners' strike in , there were several examples of labor spy activities. There is the special case of Harry Orchard. While this WFM member confessed to numerous of the crimes committed during the Colorado Labor Wars, and to additional crimes , including assassinating an ex-governor. He also admitted to being a Pinkerton agent, and to being in the pay of the Mine Owners' Association. Harry Orchard was convicted of murder in the assassination of Frank Steunenberg , an ex-governor of Idaho.
Testimony and allegiances in the assassination conspiracy cases against Harry Orchard's alleged WFM taskmasters remain very difficult to sort out. For example, another Pinkerton agent in the Cripple Creek district, "No. His written account, telling the Pinkerton Agency essentially what they wanted to hear—presumably as a condition of receiving money from that source—describes how he proceeded to tell the WFM defense team what they wanted to hear; specifically, that he would attest to "the biggest collection of lies from beginning to end I ever saw on paper.
The prosecution did not call him either, so we have only his reports to the Agency to go by. McParland believed that the Theil Agency must have been hired by the defense for, "Repeatedly in late and early , he complained that Thiel Detectives were watching his every move Company negotiator Cyrus S. Ching asked for a pledge by both sides to discontinue the use of labor spies. The union protested, claiming they had made no such use of spies. Ching summoned one of his assistants, a young man whom Ching had observed peering into records and communications that had nothing to do with his job.
Ching said that he had intentionally provided misinformation to the assistant. Learning English learningenglish. Bosanski ba. Srpski glasamerike. Azerbaijani amerikaninsesi. Bahasa Indonesia voaindonesia. Khmer voacambodia. Africa Afaan Oromoo voaafaanoromoo. Bambara voabambara. Hausa voahausa. Ndebele voandebele. Shona voashona. Soomaaliga voasomali. Kiswahili voaswahili. Zimbabwe voazimbabwe. Kurdi dengeamerika. Latin America Creole voanouvel.